Attachment
Theory and Loneliness.
The
dimensions of loneliness presented will be explored during the period of
adolescence and adulthood using attachment theory in this section of the
paper to answer three basic questions: what type of deprivation is
loneliness according to attachment theory, why is the emotional
characteristics of loneliness described as painful and unpleasant, and
lastly what causes certain individuals to experience chronic loneliness?
Each dimension of loneliness and related questions will be looked at in
turn.
Type
of deprivation. Attachment theory suggests that the type of
deprivation experienced by lonely individuals is one of an objective
absence of an attachment figure rather than a subjective perceptual
discrepancy. Robert Weiss was one of the first loneliness
researchers to suggest a link between attachment theory and loneliness.
His initial research into loneliness lead to observations that
individuals experienced loneliness due to the loss of a romantic
partner. Once another romantic partner was found, the loneliness
“magically” disappeared. He also later theorized on the period
of adolescence in which he suggested that the adolescent relinquishes
his/her parent as the primary attachment figure. Instead the
adolescent searches for a romantic partner to form an adult attachment
with. During this transition period adolescents experience
loneliness as they search out for their romantic attachment partner.
Just as in newborns, there is an internal mechanism designed to find and
form an attachment with an individual, Weiss (1989) suggests that a
similar process takes place during adolescence. The loneliness
that adolescents experience therefore is as a result from this missing
attachment figure, as parents are relinquished as attachment figures and
a search ensues to find an attachment figure and romantic partner.
Emotional
characteristics. Weiss (1973, 1989) defined loneliness as
separation distress without an object, which is very much an affective
description of loneliness. When an attachment figure is absent
from an individual, separation distress results. Shaver and Hazan
(1989) have cited research that shows that both infants and adults
experience separation distress when an attachment figure is absent.
This separation distress is unpleasant and painful. Weiss (1973,
1989) sees this affective experience of separation distress as the same
as loneliness, and descriptions of the two experiences are similar.
The emotional experience also provides motivation as well to find the
lost attachment figure. Just as Flanders (1982) suggested that
loneliness may be a signal for a social deficiency and motivation to
return to the optimum level, similarly, separation distress seems to
perform much of the same function. Indeed, as Weiss (1973) argues,
in some instances they may be one and the same thing. The
loneliness is the experience of separation distress.
Time
perspective. The time perspective dimension is an important
dimension is separating individuals who experience separation distress
and are able to form new attachments or re-establish old attachments,
and those individuals who experience separation distress and are unable
to form new attachments or re-establish old ones. It is a
persistent absence of an attachment figure that can make loneliness
become chronic. There are several inter-related explanations for
this inability to maintain or form attachments. The first
describes interconnections between attachment styles, working models and
loneliness. The second looks at attachment theory, personal
intimate relationships and loneliness and lastly working models, coping
styles and loneliness. Each of these will be looked at in turn.
Attachment
styles, working models and loneliness. Working models and the
resultant attachment styles provide theoretical insights into the
processes underlying individuals who suffer from persistent, chronic
loneliness by highlighting their impaired ability to form and maintain
attachments. Working models provide a cognitive schema about what
expectations to have with regards to attachment figures and of one’s
own abilities. Generally speaking, persons with insecure
attachments to their attachment figure (either avoidant or
anxious-ambivalent) have had experiences in which the attachment figure
either unreliably provided care or provided little or no care.
Persons with secure attachments have had attachment figures who have
reliably provided care (Shaver & Hazan, 1989). However, the
models are more complex than stated here. Complications occur with
regards to the number of attachment figures during childhood and the
kind of care each provided. Cassidy and Berlin (1999) provide
evidence though that the attachment style of the child generalizes to
new situations with unknown persons. Attributions for the unknown
person were characterized based upon the attachment style (and in turn
the underlying working model) of the child. Lonely individuals may
possess a cognitive representation that people cannot be trusted or that
others will reject them due to their perceived social incompetence based
upon their working models.
Indeed
there is evidence to suggest that such a representation does exist
within lonely persons. A study by Nurmi, Toivonen, Salmela-Aro,
& Eronen (1997), found that persons who exhibited a cognitive
strategy called pessimistic avoidance (characterized by failure
expectations, negative affects, avoidance, and self-handicapping) was
related to a loneliness that persisted over a period of one year.
This finding has support from other researchers who show that lonely
persons have a general pessimistic attitude towards social situations
(see for example, Parkhurst & Hopmeyer, 1999; Rook, 1984).
This pessimistic attitude in part prevents lonely individuals from
forming new attachments with others for fear of rejection perceived as
inevitable because of a possible combination between expectations of
failure and feelings of social inadequacy.
Attachment
theory, personal, intimate relationships and loneliness.
Before beginning to outline relationship between attachment theory and
personal, intimate relationships, it is important to definite what is
meant by a personal, intimate relationship. Sharabany (1994)
defines an intimate friendship as composed of eight dimensions:
self-disclosure, sensitivity and knowing, empathy, attachment,
exclusiveness of relationship, degree of helping the friend, being able
to ask favors/impose on a friend, openness and the ability to be
vulnerable, sharing common activities, and lastly, the ability to trust
a friend (p. 160). Out of all of these, Prager (1999) suggests
that the basis of intimate behaviors is the ability to share the
personal, private self.
The type of working model one possesses therefore can influence to what
degree an individual is able to establish intimacy. Shaver and
Hazan (1989) give examples of working models of each attachment
style. Secure individuals, for example, think that people are
generally well-intentioned and good-hearted. As a result, Feeney
et al. (1999) report that secure individuals have a high level of
self-disclosure, and reciprocate during conversations. Shaver and
Hazan (1989) also suggest that these individuals are trusting of others
and have more satisfying intimate relationships and marriages.
Anxious-ambivalent individuals, think that they are ready for a
relationship but feel that others are not as ready as they are.
Feeney et al. (1999) report that self-disclosure is also high for this
group, but however, reciprocity is low. Shaver and Hazan (1989)
suggest that these individuals are “too eager to self-disclose” (p.
119) and quite possible self-disclose inappropriately. Finally,
avoidant individuals do not trust others, they think that love rarely
lasts. Feeney et al. (1999) reports that self-disclosure for this
group is low. Shaver and Hazan (1989) report that avoidant
individuals try to avoid close intimate relationships probably out of
fear of getting hurt.
On these brief descriptions, it seems that dependent upon the attachment
style, various dimensions of intimate relationships are either complete
or incomplete. Research suggests that secure individuals have the
greatest ability for intimate relationships because they possess the
ability to cover the various dimensions of intimate relationships, such
as self-disclosure and reciprocity. Anxious-ambivalent individuals
can cover some dimensions but not others, such as the ability to
self-disclose, but not the ability to reciprocate, and avoidant
individuals seem to leave the greatest number of dimensions incomplete.
This pattern occurs in part because of the working models of
individuals. These given expectations about self and others can
reduce the quality of relationships. The result lack of quality
intimate relationships can then lead to chronic loneliness (Rook, 1984,
Sharabany, 1994, Sullivan, 1953) because relatively stable working
models will consistently cause insecure persons to form poor quality
relationships and secure persons to form higher quality relationships.
Indeed other authors have described results of their research, which
suggests for example a significant relationship between self-disclosure
and loneliness (Buss, 1999; Matsushima & Shiomi, 2001).
Working
models, coping styles and loneliness. Working models may also
influence how individuals cope with the emotional load of
loneliness. Rokach and Brock (1998) and Rubenstein and Shaver
(1982) have done some research into coping strategies adopted by lonely
persons and within these two researches, three common types of coping
strategies are present in both researches: avoidance coping, involving
withdrawal, denial, and passive activities (sleeping, eating, watching
TV); social coping, involving activities meant to increase social
contact; and active coping, involving activities that require some
greater degree of physical or cognitive concentration, such as
exercising, working on a hobby, etc. Synder and Pulvers (2001)
suggest that avoidance coping involves not only the denial, withdrawal
and passive activities as suggested by Rokach and Brock (1998) and
Rubenstein and Shaver (1983) but also ruminative thinking or “paradoxical
hyperattention to stressor”. Synder and Pulvers (2001) suggest
that while individual may strive to ignore their stressor, they
paradoxical think about it more.
Attachment
theory, and in particular, the working models concept help to explain
the coping strategies chosen by individuals. Feeney et al. (1999)
states that secure individuals, because they have received responsive
caregiving, learn to acknowledge stressors and deal with them, such as
through social support. Anxious-ambivalent individuals, who
received inconsistent caregiving, tended to focus on their distressing
thoughts and feelings as a way of maintaining contact with their
attachment figure. This coping strategy can be considered
rumination. Finally, avoidant “individuals learn to avoid
acknowledging or expressing distress thoughts and feelings so as to
minimize conflict with insensitive caregivers” (Feeney et al., 1999,
p. 193). It appears that the coping machine as suggested by Synder
and Pulvers (2001) may have been shaped by previous attachment
experiences of the individual during their childhood. It may also
explain the interconnections between attachment style, coping strategy
and the degree of loneliness.
Given
the connections between attachment style and coping strategies, it is
conceivable that insecurely attached individuals would have greater
difficulty forming new attachments (or re-establishing old attachments)
than securely attached individuals. Given the emotional experience
of loneliness, individuals would either deal with their loneliness
(securely attached persons) or avoid dealing with their loneliness
(insecurely attached persons). The avoidance route would entail
the individual undertaking activities that would prevent
them from forming attachments necessary to alleviate their loneliness or
separation distress. In this way, the emotional burden of loneliness
can become overbearing and hinder one’s motivation to effectively engage
in social interactions.
Conclusion. According to attachment theory, loneliness is as a
result of a deficiency in the necessary attachment figure and is
experienced as separation distress. It can become chronic because of
maladaptive working models which result in pessimistic attitudes about
social situations, personal relationships with low levels of intimacy, and
ineffective coping strategies.
General Conclusion.
This
section outlined attachment theory and the application of attachment
theory to various dimensions of loneliness. Attachment theory
provided useful insight by suggesting that loneliness results out of a
social need, is experienced as separation distress and can become chronic
through maladaptive working models. While there is some evidence to
suggest that working models can change over the course of the lifespan
(Feeney et al., 1999), it is conceivable that more consistent attachment
experiences create working model that are resistant to change.
Indeed, individuals with a considerable history of insecure attachments
have been found to have persistent loneliness (Hojat & Borenstein,
1990; Rokach, 2000; Shaver & Hazan, 1989; Van Buskirk & Duke,
1991). Getting such individuals to change their current situation
may require considerable and prolonged effort. More will be said
about this later.
